The gripping
story of Galileo's trial
before the Roman Inquisition
is one of the defining
narratives of Western
civilization. The spectacle of
the aging astronomer being
forced, under the threat of
torture, to recant his belief
that the Earth revolves around
the Sun has seemed to many to
mark the moment when the Age
of Faith gave way to the Age
of Reason and to embody the
Catholic Church's enduring
hostility to unfettered
inquiry and expression.
Not for Wade
Rowland. In "Galileo's
Mistake" he contends that
just as it is the victors who
write the history of wars, so
have anti-Catholic writers
produced an authorized version
of this event, portraying
Galileo "as a lonely
champion of enlightenment and
the church as a blind,
despotic power." In fact,
Mr. Rowland maintains, in this
epic confrontation between
scientist and church, it is
the church's position that
seems more defensible.
Even in the
field of revisionist history
this is an audacious position.
In 1992 the church itself
admitted that it had erred in
condemning Galileo. As
headlines mockingly put it at
the time, the Vatican had
finally acknowledged that the
Earth revolved around the Sun.
But to Mr. Rowland such
descriptions trivialize the
real issues at stake in the
conflict, namely the essential
nature of the universe and
which sphere — science or
faith — can better grasp it.
Central to
Mr. Rowland's case is that the
church, while persecuting
Galileo, let Copernicus alone.
Decades before Galileo was
born in 1564, Copernicus had
concluded that the Earth
revolved around the Sun, a
position that contradicted the
prevailing geocentric system
as well as the church's
teaching, based on Scripture,
that the Earth anchored God's
creation. Wary of provoking
the church, Copernicus
refrained from publishing his
findings, and it was only in
1543, as he lay dying, that he
allowed his manuscript to
appear. Written in Latin,
"De Revolutionibus"
was immensely influential with
astronomers but remained
largely unknown to the public.
Galileo made
his initial mark as a
physicist and mathematician,
but in 1609 he developed a
crude telescope. With it he
made a series of astounding
discoveries that confirmed for
him the accuracy of the
Copernican thesis.
The initial
response was rapturous, and
when Galileo went to Rome in
1611 to show off his new
device, even church officials
applauded. Thus encouraged,
Galileo in 1615 published his
"Letter to the Grand
Duchess Christina," in
which he argued (in Italian)
that not only had the
Copernican thesis been
conclusively demonstrated, but
that the new scientific method
had shown its clear
superiority over Scripture as
a guide to the universe.
By then,
however, the mood in the
church had hardened. In the
throes of the
Counter-Reformation, it had
little tolerance for such bold
assertions. In conventional
accounts it was Galileo's
insistence on the Copernican
worldview that riled the
church. Mr. Rowland demurs.
For him it was Galileo's
insistence "that there is
a single and unique
explanation to natural
phenomena," based on
observation and reason, that
made all other explanations,
including those based on
biblical revelation, useless.
This in Mr.
Rowland's view was Galileo's
mistake. Mr. Rowland puckishly
argues that science is no more
reliable than religion in
describing the universe.
Scientific observations, while
commonly thought to be based
on empirical reality, he
writes, are actually
"filtered through layers
of subjective
impression"; scientific
"facts" about nature
are not "pre-existing
truths" but "human
constructs."
That is why
there are revolutions in
science in which one set of
assumptions is overthrown and
replaced by another. Galileo,
by denying the value of
divinely inspired
interpretations of the
universe, posed an
unacceptable threat to the
authority of the church, and
it responded by warning him to
stop promoting the Copernican
system.
For many
years, he did. In 1632,
however, he published his
"Dialogue on the Two
Chief World Systems." In
it an advocate for the
heliocentric system soundly
trounces a proponent of the
geocentric one. Furious at
this seeming violation of its
order, the church accused
Galileo of heresy and summoned
him to Rome to appear before
the Inquisition.
In
describing the trial Mr.
Rowland depicts Galileo as
vain and egotistical and the
church as embattled and
lenient. While traditional
accounts stress the threat of
torture Galileo faced, Mr.
Rowland dismisses this as a
mere formality. Yes, he
writes, Galileo was placed
under house arrest, but at
least he wasn't burned at the
stake. As for Pope Urban VIII,
Mr. Rowland asserts, his
papacy faced extraordinary
challenges, and "it would
be an unfair commentator who
would not concede that he had
acquitted himself reasonably
well in the
circumstances."
Mr. Rowland
finds it paradoxical that the
key issue in the trial —
Galileo's insistence on the
mechanistic interpretation of
the universe — went
unmentioned. Yet perhaps it
wasn't mentioned because it
wasn't really central. From
Mr. Rowland's own account, it
seems clear that the Vatican
went after Galileo and not
Copernicus because the church
had grown more repressive and
because Galileo had more
aggressively sought to promote
his views.
It's true,
as Mr. Rowland notes, that the
idea of free expression was
alien in Europe in those
years. But he fails to convey
the lengths to which the
church would go to protect its
hold on knowledge. During the
Middle Ages it denied laymen
access to the Bible, lest they
learn to read it for
themselves. When the invention
of the printing press made
that impossible, it set up the
Index of Forbidden Books. The
Inquisition was its barbaric
apparatus of enforcement.
In
"Galileo's Mistake"
Mr. Rowland is, in essence,
arguing for a kinder, gentler
Inquisition. He doesn't pull
it off. In belittling Galileo
and extolling the church, he
seems simply to be trying to
replace one authorized version
with another.
Michael
Massing is writing a book
about the Protestant
Reformation.